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Nicolae Stanica. J. Serb .. of complex I showed a broad band at cm–1, due to the 2E → 2T transition, in a tetrahedral geometry around the cooper(II) ion. 2 Ph.D. Viorel STĂNICĂ COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT Case studies 3 itators, whom were then distributed to city halls in a cooper- ation protocol with the. book available at the library of the. Division of Molecular Biology and NCBI web page. •. 5. Stanica, molekularni pristup. Cooper, Geoffrey M - hrvatsko izdanje.
The public sector is one of the most important actors in com- munity development, as it governs and provides the institu- tional framework for the implementation of normative acts no community can back out from, no matter how high the degree of autonomy. Much of the development programs with a governmen- tal, nongovernmental inancing or inanced by structural and cohesion funds, require the involvement of agents from the local administration to take responsibility for roles of animators, facilitators, development agents, or for guidance and control functions.
Their knowledge of community devel- opment theories, of the concepts community development operates with, of working methods with community groups, of certain community development models, represents the condition to ensure administrative ef iciency and to create bridges to reduce the gap between the administration and the citizen. The present paper is divided into six chapters and deals with topics that provide the theoretical community devel- opment background, but in the afferent chapters or annexes also presents cases and practical models that complement and ensure full understanding of the studied theoretical models.
Chapter 1 is a clari ication of the terms of development, community and community development in order to outline a speci ic language which would lead to less confusion. Chap- ter 2 presents some relevant historical landmarks of commu- nity development in Romania. Thus, the traditional forms of cooperation are described, the speci ic forms of Transylvania neighborhoods and the groups of community initiative in dif- ferent historical stages.
Chapter 3 deals with the necessary forms of capital for development and mainly describes and analyzes the social capital as a resource for development, both in theory and in practical cases.
Chapter 5 presents a series of theoretical guidelines with reference to the intervention in the community, and then it describes the types of community development agents and the relevant practical experiences of our country and other countries.
The last chapter of the paper is mainly practical and presents a series of applied community development models, provid- ing case studies, relevant statistics and analyzes. The topics studied in this chapter emphasize the diversity of the ways of action, the possibility of innovation in the ield of community development.
This paper represents the English translation of the Com- munity Development book. Case studies, which is launched simultaneously and from which I have omitted the annexes, considering they are especially relevant for the Romanian version.
The paper is a resumption of the course book enti- tled Community Development, published in , enriched with new case studies. The case studies were considered to be the appropriate qualitative research method to provide a thorough understanding of the theoretical concepts. These were, for the most part, made by us, from the empirical re- search through which they have been investigated and sub- sequently presented in all their complexity, ield realities, based on documentation, interviews and direct observations.
De initions, Clari ications. Keywords community development, sustainable development, economic growth, economic development, community of place, commu- nitarianism, community of interest, community spirit, commu- nion.
For the beginning it is necessary to clarify the terms used in de ining the concept of community development. A term with especially an economic relevance, devel- opment became part of the common vocabulary of private companies, administration, politicians, NGOs, with a conno- tation that seems to favor more the quantitative rather than the qualitative aspect of life.
In the nineteenth century, the word development was a more specialized term used in economics, social sciences or in the technical ield. Nowadays, however, development has become a complex reality. A third sector, represented by nongovernmental organizations, trade unions, the Church, associations or community groups, social economy, is increasingly present.
Today development equals the idea of growth, expansion, economic progress, continu- ous enrichment of an individual, social group or society as a whole, improving living conditions.
Lately, the issue of development has been involving a seri- ous concern as economic growth, human welfare and social progress are more dif icult to obtain today in the context of global economy than in the past. It can be seen that econom- ic growth can be nationally or regionally and simultaneous- ly there can be serious imbalances between the component units.
On the one hand, we record economic growth by means of new industrial implantation, increasing employment, etc. Economic growth does not necessarily mean general welfare. The development ideal would be for it to generate wealth for everyone. Therefore, development is a planned process in which a certain situation goes from simple to complex, grows, comes to fruition, becomes better than it was.
Development rep- resents a process of growth, long term transformation, the development process has also a strategic connotation. It is important and relevant to emphasize the difference between development and economic growth.
Economic growth is more focused on quantitative, measurable aspects, such as the gross domestic product per capita GDP 1, num- ber of jobs, income per capita, number of dwellings, etc. Im- proving these indicators does not necessarily mean better for the community. On the one hand they should be linked with other indicators in the scope of education, health, pov- erty, to have a picture of the development.
On the other hand, the contexts may differ even within the same regions, or be- tween urban and rural areas. Development involves complex and profound changes within the community. We often encounter terms such as rural development, urban, regional, territorial development where the constant makes reference to reporting the process of development to a more or less de ined territory. Local development stems directly from the concept of en- dogenous development.
The endogenous development theo- 1 GDPis amacroeconomicindicatorwhichre lectsthe sumof the mar- ket valueof allgoods andservices for inal consumption,produced in allsectors of the economywithin a country, region or localitywithin ayear.
It concerns a limited territory, and represents a bottom-up process, favoring endogenous resources, traditional ways of cooperation and local cultural values. Endogenous development implies the following dimen- sions: It involves the exploitation of local resources natural, cultural at a small scale, even in a self-suf icient system that can function as an informal econ- omy that can even back out of the of icial economy rules the direct local capitalization of products.
The external and especially the global capital is nomad and therefore is not a stake for the development of a city or a re- gion. This type of investors invest money only as long as the investments provide high returns the case of Nokia manu- facture in Bochum, Germany or Cluj, whose closure gener- ated high social costs, is relevant. Therefore, attracting the global capital by selling assets and providing facilities may generate an illusory growth.
A healthy development is not only de ined by the GDP growth, an indicator which hides the status of development rather than showing it. Thus, endoge- nous development involves the complex and rational use of local resources in a slow and sustainable socio-economic de- velopment process.
The publication of the Brundtland Report was followed by the World Earth Summit held in Rio de Janeiro in Brazil, at the UN initiative in June , an event where Heads of State and Government, representatives of large companies and many NGOs have adopted a general strategic framework of sustainable development, starting from the need to inte- grate economic development and environmental protection in the objective of sustainable development. On this occasion was stated the growing importance of the international envi- ronmental law, as a mechanism for encoding and promoting sustainable development.
Community development must not back out of ecological constraints. The ecological paradigm proposed by Dunlap 2 Mrs.
Competing functions of the environment Source: Hannigan, p. Therefore, sustainability can be de ined as a non-re- gressive consumption potential Haveman, , and Pearce, , as cited Nicolaisen, Hoeller, p. In the case that natural resources are considered part of this capital stock, it preserve is a condition of maintaining the consumption of tradable goods and natural resources per capita. Thus, sus- tainable development requires either maintaining both types of capital stocks created by man and natural resources , or a suf icient substitute of the natural capital by productive one and thus the total stock of capital remains intact.
Consumption potential, as for example welfare, idem, p. W is the consumption welfare ; K the capital stock created by man and E the stock of natural capital resources. For W welfare not to decrease in the future, the neces- sary and suf icient condition is: The real value of natural resource consumption must not exceed the real val- ue of net investments in man-made capital. In the case of an optimal substitution between the two types of capital, as for example the one created by man to compensate for environ- mental degradation, sustainable growth should then be en- sured.
There are also arguments in favor of a substitution be- tween the two types of capital, driven by the rapid techno- logical progress, so that it will easily compensate for envi- ronmental degradation, but these are not able to reassure us. Development cannot be conceived outside the resources it needs.
Three categories of resources compete in varying proportions in the development process: The inancial resources category includes: Material resources consist of soil and subsoil wealth, wa- ter in quantitative and qualitative terms, air, forests and en- vironmental quality in general, patrimony property, cultur- al and infrastructure transport, utilities, communications networks.
Human resource is the most dynamic of all types of re- sources because on the one hand, it has the greatest potential for development, and on the other hand, it can highlight the other resources provided a correct allocation. To these resources can be added political systems polit- ical structure, laws, political culture which provide leader- ship, organization, operation of society and control.
The term community can be met in the most various sit- uations: Therefore, it requires clari- ication, a generic de inition, designed to cover this whole variety, but this approach is not always easy, because com- munities are groups of people who can not be classi ied a pri- ori. They sometimes may have a local relevance village, dis- trict , or at regional or international level. A community can not be regarded as strictly professional, political, religious, cultural, ethnic, etc.
The community is a speci ic con iguration of social ties, contextually, spatially and temporally framed. A communi- ty can only be meaningful if its members, or at least some of them, deliberately seek group membership, but not also in the case it would be de ined from the outside, without the consent of the persons concerned.
Laufer, A. Burlaud, , pp. The state should exercise only the preroga- tives in diplomacy, police, justice, without touching pub- lic and private freedoms in terms of the property rights governing the economy; — the stage of the providential state — was imposed togeth- er with the need for state intervention both in the social and economic lives, as the law of the free market could not solve the social optimum.
The concept of public ser- vice was consecrated in this stage, as an exclusive result of administrative action and — the stage of the omnipresent state - started after the Sec- ond World War, when the diversity and scale of state interventions have acquired new dimensions taxation evolution, economic planning, industrial policy, urban planning. The administration was forced to demon- strate on the one hand the ef icacy of some methods of action and on the other hand to take into account the wishes of citizens.
The Welfare State model should also be noted here, in which each member of a community has the right to a certain level of wealth. The management trend from the late 80s which intro- duces the concepts of Managerial or of Steering State , culmi- nates with the de inition given by Christopher Hood in , to the concept of New Public Management, where the stra- tegic functions and operational functions are separated. In this model, the relationship with communities lie under the transfer determined by the most competent basic skills, the state through its institutions reserves only the role of pro- viding the legal and institutional framework and planning is decentralized.
Far from having a the- oretical or abstract design, it is based on a series of reforms of social policies in Canada Quebec. As the civil society takes responsibility for increasingly important roles, the state strengthens its role of strategist. In this case, public policies represents a co-production of the state, market and civil society.
Therefore, is the political and administrative aspect the community is perceived increasingly complex, from the sim- ple application of the principle of subsidiarity, to a systemic partnership with the state and the private sector. He made the psychological distinction between the organic willingness, emotionally de ined and the re lected willingness, seen as a product of thought.
In his view the community gemein- schaft is determined by the organic willingness, while the re lected willingness causes the emergence of society ge- sellschaft. Association is seen as a form of social organization based just on common interests and manifests only through rational actions, exchanges, expressing private interests.
Community however, is an entity capable of self-or- ganization in which relationships between people are based on the conscious traditional or subjective-affective member- ship, not excluding external in luences. After James L. However, organic solidarity is a product of a consensus achieved among different individuals, the community unity being achieved by differentiation.
The individual depends on the society because he depends on its components. At the same time, the individuality of the whole proportionally in- creases with the individuality of the parties. Two types of community organization can be evolution- ary associated with these two forms of solidarity: Durkheim argues that with the ad- vancement on the social evolutionary scale, mechanical soli- darity decreases in importance ibidem, p.
The communitarian approach approach appears as a re- action to the idea that individualism and democracy lead to an erosion of practices and feelings of reciprocity. Communi- tarianism Etzioni, is based on the idea of the common good and proposes a reform of the state in super-entity to stimulate the dynamics of all communities within it. Society ignores divergent interests, composing the disparate actions of component societies, perceived as dynamic units inter- actional , in a superior entity, the state, thus generated by a feedback process.
The welfare of a community determines the welfare of the entire society and at the same time is a re- lection of it. This idea has set the stage for the social capital theory which shows the importance of this type of capital in the context of de- velopment.
Also being called civic engagement by R. Putnam, social capital is de ined as a complex network of relations between individuals and organizations with relevance at community level.
Community is seen as an area in which the same members may belong to several groups with different levels of social capital. An operational de inition Pitulac, pp. Community from Lat. The notion of person Durkheim, , p. The space of ritual expression of a common religious faith is the Church, a communion par excellence.
It offers its members a strong awareness of cohesion based on the shared experience of the Eucharist wonder. Besides, theological literature reveals the communitarian role of all eight wonders.
The Christian life involves moving from the individual experience, to the state of a person related with divinity, with others and with all creation.
The concept of community development stems R. Phil- lips and R. Pittman eds. During the social move- ments in the U. Although the progres- sive Movement of the s was more meaningful for com- munity development, the social changes of the s and s social movements for civil rights, anti-poverty led to the recognition of community development CD in practice. In the United Nations documents de- ined CD as a process whose aim is to create conditions of economic and social progress.
Later on, the programs of in- ternational organizations had facilitated the diffusion of the term in Africa and India. The reactions to the top-down mod- el of economic and social development adopted by UNICEF5 and OMS6 through the Alma Ata Declaration, have led to the current meaning of the term, namely the idea of involving people in their own development projects. Journal of the Community Development Society in the U. Phillips, Pittman, eds.
Is an agency founded by volun- teering and operates from governmental funds and private dona- tions. It currently has member states and of ices in countries. There are currently over CDCs in the U. Some attempts to de ine CD ibidem. On the other hand there are de initions Huie, in ibidem based on outcome that is improving the living and working place, through development programs and decision making at community level. All these approaches to the concept led to a comprehen- sive understanding Phillips, Pittman eds.
However, a number of papers and articles lead to the doctrine and monographic research model of rural communities that the Sociological School of Bucharest owe especially to Dimitrie Gusti.
De inition: CD thus covers all dimensions of development, economic, social, spatial and durable. The cultural dimension can also be added, namely the respect for the cultural speci icity, the identity assumption based on traditional elements and on the expression of cultural features, the awareness of unique- ness in the broader cultural context.
The establishment of school committees in interwar Romania represents a systemic model of community de- velopment, whose premise was decentralization, through a transfer of powers and responsibilities to the local level ru- ral communes, urban county communes together with an assurance and clear regulation of development resources. The election way of committees, their operation, the lo- cal voluntary involvement in building school locations, the solidarity and give aid to poor pupils, the management of committee goods, adult literacy concerns, creating opportu- nities to develop practical skills of pupils, represent struc- tures, mechanisms and actions characteristic of community development.
The purpose of these committees Article 2 of the Regu- lation was: The county school committee with a coordinator role op- erated at county level. The school committee administered ordinary income for the bene it of the school and population culture art. To all these were also added extraordinary income: Out of these funds art.
The regulation set as a irst concern of school committees the early completion and improvement of the school premis- es. In this respect it may apply for loans with the approval of the coun- ty school committee, at the popular bank or other inancial institutions. These phenomena were ampli ied by the lack of school premises and by the unsuitable conditions which were due to the destructions of the First World War Sandu, Under the conditions of the immense needs of completion and adequacy of educational facilities were beyond the bud- get possibilities of the state, the solution of decentralization and involvement of the local level through school commit- tees proved to be a salvation.
Almost 4, primary schools were built during the second minister mandate of Constantin Angelescu, The number of primary schools increased from , before the Union, to in , reaching 17, in [ Constantin Angelescu , physician and politician, was the Minister of Education during , , and Excerpt from the Regulation for the application of the Law-Decree10 on the organization of school committees attached to primary schools, , The Peda- gogical Review of the primary teachers of Bihor County, Year II, no.
The distinction between CD and social intervention or community is not just simple as conceptual boundaries partially overlap Sandu, , p.
They imply the mobiliza- tion of resources, community participation and volunteering in the interest of certain groups in the community.
Gebler and Osborne draw attention to the qualitative dis- crepancy between the services provided by the bureaucracy and those organized at community level. Although empower- ing communities had a long tradition in the U. The social movements during the Great Society13 program militated for a deinstitutionalization of certain services, es- pecially in the social ield, based on the idea that the em- powered communities should solve their own problems, the services work better than in those that depend on other ex- ternal providers of services government, companies.
CD represents a good alternative for a range of services that the public administration provides to citizens. In fact, quoting John Mc Knight14, Gebler and Osborne present the advantages of the transfer of social services from the administration to communities idem, pp. In , the mayor of the commune aimed to provide bet- ter teaching and life conditions for the children in need liv- ing in the village. Following discussions in the city hall based on the social data and surveys, arose the generous idea of establishing a day care center where children could spend their after school hours in conditions that they did not have at home.
Modern classrooms equipped with desks and com- puters, with TV and video projector, spaces for games and socialization with appropriate furniture, gym, dining room and kitchen, bathrooms and speci ic outdoor refurbishment took the place of a shabby building. During the project the Center had a social worker and a psychologist, and since the project completion to present social surveys are under- taken by the social worker of the city hall. Then, seeing the conditions provided, and es- pecially their educational results of the children in the Cen- ter, we were looded with requests.
We have 20 places and a long waiting list. The preservation of the place in the Center is subject to school attendance and performance in school. The center provides children at risk of dropping out of school, daycare, educational and entertaining programs, counseling, which are aimed at forming educational, learn- ing and development skills.
It also provides training and en- sures the development of emotional intelligence and main- taining children at risk under supervision and developing harmonious relations between parents and the community. The service also gives parents the necessary support to en- sure their children a standard of living adequate for their development.
The program is of six hours a day, between The main activities taking place at the Centre are: At the Center, since the completion of the project to the present, countless other activities took place, especially cul- tural, related to the village life.
The center closed partnership agreements with various organizations and institutions in the commune and not only: The day care Center has nine employees and several volunteers who worked whenever they were asked.
Is this case a community development case? Give reason. What type of social intervention does this case manifest? Put this social change in the scheme in Figure 2. The decisive place and role of the voluntary par- ticipation in community groups can be observed, participa- tion that makes the difference between CD and the develop- ment of the community. What is a community? Which are the types of communities?
De ine CD. Which is a social intervention? Informal Community Cooperation in the Romanian Tradition Knowing traditional forms of cooperation, of how they are initiated and how they function is very important in terms of establishing certain instruments and techniques to stimulate the voluntary participation of people in the community.
Informal forms of community cooperation are known in the Romanian rural tradition, forms of mutual help based on occupation, family relationships or household proximity.
Spatial proximity could cause certain inter-individual rela- tionships, representing the environment in which certain emotional dispositions are formed which further condition different forms of society. First, proximity or remoteness in space creates vicinity relations, which can then turn into mu- tual help relationships. A certain community of place arises between neighbors by ties of interest, home loans, participa- tion in family ceremonies, etc.
Andrei, , p. The corvee represents the collective and sometimes mutual participation in carrying out agricultural work to be carried out in a short period of time in order not to compro- mise production cereals reaping, harvesting grapes, corn and other seasonal work , to building houses, on special oc- casions wedding, baptism, funeral.
The corvee for agricultural work was and still is a way of cooperation aimed at increasing labor productivity, by the substitution of the lack agricultural machinery or other tech- nological means, with the concentration of labor in a short period of time. But corvee, however, has a deeper dimension than the economic one, an important feature of this joint ac- tions being the opportunity of socialization. This custom is known throughout the country and manifests regional par- ticularities and it differs according to participants, purpose and reciprocity.
There are cases where participation is not made accord- ing to speci ic criteria, others in which participation is by age or gender. Depending on the inality or purpose, the corvee can be organized to perform agricultural, social aid or build- ing activities. With reference to reciprocity, the corvee can be organized: As an action of mutual help in agricultural activities, the work being done by rotation to everyone; 2. In most cases people partied after work, they were served with food and drinks by the host, the music and even dance being present, together with stories, myths.
For this reason it is often described, as the social soire, rather such as a custom and not as a form of cooperation. Unlike corvee, the social soire was held in a more re- trenched setting, it involved easier activities in the area of women concern: On social soires, women and girls, often accompanied by boys, were singing, telling jokes, using the occasion to know each other.
Social soires in villages, less frequent after the completion of the collectivization of agriculture, manifest certain cooperative elements that are of interest in our context, to the extent that they could generate development.
It is about the transmis- sion from one generation to another of certain skills, work- ing techniques which led to the shaping of a local speci ic in the production of handicrafts, garments, carpets, etc.
Social evenings also facilitated community socializing, playing an important role in shaping community awareness of youth, in transmitting a desirable behavioral framework, in the adjustments of con licts or in punishing inappropriate behaviors.
Suspended between tradition and modernity, between decline and development, rural local communities are in a constant search. The Local Community at the Crossroads. Totelecan, p. Vicinities in Transylvania Represent traditional forms of cooperation, speci ic to Saxon communities15 in particular which are supposed to have replied here a model of their home areas.
Vicinity is a community cooperation form characterized by an organiza- tion with a strong degree of formalization and structuring. The existence of a written statute, of the elected govern- ing bodies father of vicinity, accountant, treasurer, board , sometimes of a built heritage the vicinity home and of some common goods ire pumps, dishes for different events, agricultural machinery, etc.
The foundation of vicinity is based on complex interactions between members, on solidarity and a strong sense of identi ication with the group. Chest a neighborhood of Biertan, foto: A Saxon per- son of an evangelical religion became member at the age of 24, or when starting a family. Also, the person should have a house or a household as he adhered to a vicinity in which space was his property. Vicinity gathered idem, pp. Traditional Saxon vicinities in the urban envi- ronment typically included ten families.
Thus, the main functions Poledna, 43 of the vicinity were: Any deviant behavior or innovative 16 Stephan Ludwig Roth was a humanist thionker, Saxon lutheran professor and pastor from Transilvania, participant at the revolution. On this occasion, anomalous behaviors of certain members were judged and punished, disagreements or disputes between neighbors were settled. Here is an interesting and somewhat unique case of Char- lottenburg17, which shows the importance of the social con- trol in rural communities of the past.
The urgent need of social control, of the compliance with the norm18 has determined the form of the topographic plan of a new locality where people did not know each other, had not yet formed a community. The social control function, of compliance with the norm could not be achieved through the community, which at the time of colonization did not exist as such, it was forming, but by adopting a socio-urban inno- vation in town planning.
It is the only village in Romania built in the shape of a circle. The inner di- ameter is of approx. The German communi- ty began to disintegrate after the Second World War, in the 80 being exceeded by Romanians.
Today there is a single German in Charlot- tenburg and in the central square there are 34 old mulberry trees, some of which may have been planted since the colonial times. During the process of socialization, the individual internalizes not only codi ied legal rules but also rules that may result from identi- fying strongly with the group. The center of the village was designed in a circular shape and in the middle was set up a plantation of mulberry trees, which the inhabitants had a legal obligation to care for.
To prevent unwanted social behaviors or pos- sible criminal offenses, with the risk of innocent people be- ing punished for the actions of others, colonists chose this innovative solution, which was also favored by the context of building a new locality on open ground. In the nineteenth century, in the central area of the village there were built buildings of local interest institutions.
We can assume that the phenomenon of control over the social behavior of inhabitants continued after the dissolution of the plantation, or it even increased with the building of the church, school and other institutions in a central square in the fullness of the term. Figure 4. Charlottenburg Planning from the Beginning to Present Source: Therefore, building a locality can be achieved in a few years, but building a local community is a much longer pro- cess. Romanian or Hungarian people could freely buy properties in Saxon communities, without the approv- al of traditional leadership bodies and thus could enroll in the vicinities they belonged to through their property.
Usu- ally though, they formed their own vicinities which, howev- er, were ought to have a Saxon father of the vicinity. The decrease in the Saxon population due to the deporta- tions in the Second World War when they were considered dangerous for the safety of Soviet military operations carried out in the country and to the migration during the commu- nist regime, as well as the policy of collectivization of agri- culture in the 50s — 60s, have determined a considerable in- crease of the Romanian population or of other ethnic groups, in traditional Saxon areas.
The mutations generated by the change in the ethnic com- position have strongly in luenced the establishment or opera- tion of vicinities. Old vicinities even if sometimes they merged due to the small number of Germans, meet old rules where possible. Instead, the newly established ones are no longer based on spatial proximity but rather on social proximity, on selection criteria such as friendship, occupation, age, gender, and have new rules of operation and somewhat different pur- poses, the membership to a vicinity becoming optional.
Forms of Community Cooperation of Hungarians in Transylvania Hungarians in Transylvania manifested three associative forms similar to Saxon vicinities: Kalandos societies for funeral help; 2. Vicinities after the Saxon model of Hungarian communi- ties situated within the territories inhabited mainly by the Saxons, which still operate and 3. Subsequently, they were strongly in luenced by the structure of the guilds.
Therefor, the leaders were were the copy of the guilds idem, p. These associations, apart from their stated purpose, also ful illed an important role in maintaining the moral values of the community. The vicinities of the Hungarians in Transylvania, an imi- tation of the Saxon ones, nowadays almost disappeared ex- cept from the vicinity in Jimbor, Brasov county, described by Ferenc Pozsony.
In the rural areas of the Saxon autonomous territories, Hungarian communities have adopted the organization model of the vicinity based on the written statute, on a high degree of structure and multiple functions.
They gradually became mutual aid ethnic associa- tions, rural or urban, which could mobilize members to ad- dress other community issues too. Local Initiative Groups 1. Informal initiative groups or with a lower degree of for- malization, established in order to build and exploit water supply networks through cooperation represents a case of community participation where group membership is not about adhering to a written statute and accounted for by the members, but rather about unwritten agreements.
Actions were at most reported as they were performed, in signed minutes, having attached payment documents for materials. The existence of quali ied people in the community had an important role in performing a more specialized work that would have otherwise induced high costs.
The top-down initiative ensured the ef- fectiveness of the proposed action due to the involvement of certain individuals with key positions in the community due to their access to resources, simplifying bureaucratic proce- dures, authority over the members of the community. Located in the Ture- ni commune, Cluj County. The village had a population of inhabitants at the census , nearly all Romanian.
Almost every household had a fountain, but the groundwater in the area is m deep and there were no water pumps on the market, or pumping the water would have cost more anyway. Surd Vasile. This committee was not formal- ly established and also no statute was set, and the decisions that were subsequently adopted were only verbal agree- ments, unrecorded in writing.
Thus, the committee estimated the pipeline length to be of approx.
Some of the members of the committee have per- formed work that required a certain quali ication in exchange for reducing or fully compensating the established fee. The fee was slightly overestimated, in order not to compli- cate the collection process.
Tax collection was not easy. The execution lasted two months and it did not respect a certain technical project endorsed by any institution. Their remuneration was made with- out any written contract, in agreement with the committee, from the raised funds.
There also worked many volunteers, but only the more quali ied work was remunerated. The ex- cavations for the basins and ditches for pipes were made mechanically, with the excavator from the A.
Agricultural Production Cooperative who worked after hours or at times when he had nothing to do at the unit, the worker being paid from the collected fee. Thus, the water network was built in the lanes and each household was to connect to it on its own expense. A minute was prepared at the end of the work, consigning all payments made and which was signed by all members of the Steering Committee.
On this occasion it was found that an amount of money remained unspent. For the same reasons the remaining amount was not refunded proportionately to contributors, but it was decided to be used for organizing an inaugural party. The show was organized outdoors for everyone, but the table was set only for the families who have contributed to the water adduction.
The event was very successful and many of the people who did not contributed to the adduction wanted to sign in on the spot, only to be present at the inauguration, but they were not accepted. Actually, after the adduction was inished there were a few pro iteers, who connected their households with- out paying and they were never punished. The operation of the network was not regulated in any way. Locks were put on the water basins in order to restrict access to the main taps. A quali ied plumber, who lives in the village, is occasionally paid to intervene for maintenance or repairs.
There is no repair fund, so his remuneration is made at the initiative of one or few users affected by the defects. They establish the cost of the work together with the plumb- er and collect the share from each family. The water network characteristics favor some users over others, resulting in con licts.
Some people excessively use water for watering their garden, while others remain with- out water. In these cases the affected people open or force the locks open and turn off the water throughout the network. This alarms the whole group, they carry out discussions and rules are established for the moment. Some residents brought the water into their house and built bathrooms, thus increasing their domestic comfort. It was not rendered to the city hall for operation, in order to to avoid mattering and a possible user fee.
Which were the favoring conditions of this initiative? What do you think are the advantages and disadvantag- es of this top-down initiative? What functional advantages would a higher degree of structure and formalization have given to the initiative? In this case, the initiative belonged to a group of citizens, thus it started from the bottom up, and the involvement of the public administration was reduced.
A irst adduction was made, followed by two others, by diffusion. Local communi- ty members have opted for separate water adduction due to the dissipated and low low water sources, the asymmetry in terms of access and ownership of their water resources, but also dif iculties in agreeing on costs. In terms of water sources, there are many springs with moderate low in the area. In these circumstances people have associated to make joint water supply systems; the joint work aimed at bringing water up in each yard.
From there each had introduced water into the household at their own expense, most of them subsequently building bathrooms. The irst initiative included an association of 13 families living on the upper Lane.
A second initiative was wider, it practically covered most of the village. The third targeted a total of nine families on the school Lane. In the opinion of those interviewed, the reason why only one adduction was not realized were: The adduction on the upper Lane. The works were carried in and were made at the ini- tiative of a number of 13 families. The adduction in the village After the success of the irst adduction works and the ob- servation of the investment utility, most villagers wanted to bene it from such work.
Thus, the water source was identi ied: To inalize the works every family has contributed 1, lei and the required labour for digging the ditches, digging and pouring the collector basin. Around families were part of the association. A spe- cialist was paid out of the raised money, Pop Leonid, and also the acquisition of materials, which was made from the same sources as the former cases. The transport of the materials was provided by some members of the association, profes- sional drivers.
Each family was assigned to execute a portion of the ditch, within a speci ied deadline. The work was com- pleted in three months in the summer of After the work was inalized, no operating regulation was written, but it was agreed from the beginning not to waste water, especially during drought times.
Over time, the necessary repairs and especially the desilt- ing of the basins and springs has been made based on the volunteer work of the associate members. Important in this case was the community action in when as a result of malfunctions, around m of pipe were replaced, from the source to the village shop.
The City Hall has contributed only m of pipeline. Originally, the proposed solution by the L, etca City Hall was to make a new adduction from the local budget, provid- ed the metering of water was put in place too, and citizens to pay the City Hall the water consumption.
Citizens have re- fused this option, preferring to organize themselves.
The adduction from Pipirig. The works were carried in , in April-May and start- ed from an association of 9 families on the school Lane to Pipirig.
These families were hesitant to associate at previous initiatives believing there will not be enough water pressure due to the topographic position of the street. Dragosim Sever was the cashier. The specialist contracted for the water pipe and ittings work execution was Pop Leonid from Baia Mare. The water abstraction was made from a spring located in a higher area of the lane, at a place called Piprig, where the basin of about 8mc was also built.
The total length of the pipeline was m. The work of the community represented digging ditches — each family being assigned a length of about 80m — and also digging and pouring the water basin, all to which was add- ed the contribution of 1.
The L, etca City Hall contributed with one load of gravel for the poring of the water basin. After the work has been inalized, lei remained unspent and the money was kept by the cashier to use for subsequent repair work. By Tita Arghil was in charge with the repair works, then each associate or together depending on the location and type of malfunction. There were no written usage rules, but it was determined that in times of drought gardens are not to be wet and water is not to be wasted.
All 3 adduction systems are currently functional, most families in the village having bathrooms and running wa- ter in their kitchens. For proper operation, people clean the stream and the basin regularly. What do you think are the advantages and disadvantag- es of this bottom-up initiative? What do you think about how these actions were propa- gated from one group to another?
This case study was collected with the support of Mrs. Rodica Ciurte in May of Associations with a small number of members, those based on kinship or vicinity have a lower degree of structure and sometimes confused roles.
The factors that led to the formation of associations and the spatial diffusion of the model idem, p. The Capital of Development Development can not be conceived in the absence of cap- ital as an important factor of production.
In a classical ap- proach, this can mean physical assets such as equipment, tools and machinery, buildings and other assets necessary for production processes. Financial capital means monetary funds, liquidity and inancial transactions that may be employed in the develop- ment process to generate revenue. Linked to this we also ind the concept of legal capital de ined as the rights and provisions on certain values, goods or money that is in the possession of a natural or legal person, and which generate income dividends from shares, interest on loans without labor activity.
Short term inancing needs may be insured out of own funds, current bank loans, fundraising, etc. Fix capital represents the durable goods used in several production cycles without changing their structure they are slowly consumed and their form of depreciation is called at- trition. It can be productive the technical, real, self-replicat- ing capital or lucrative capital which really becomes capital to the extent it is used.
In addition to the means of production, an important component is the infrastructure that consists of: Natural capital represents all elements goods provided by the natural environment, some preexistent to man, which can become inputs in the development process. This is then supplemented in the process of personal development through the continuous ac- cumulation of knowledge, skills and abilities.
At community level the human capital results from the accumu- lation of the human capital of the members. This type of cap- ital is the best investment, representing the form of capital with the highest potential for development. A high level of human capital can on the one hand contrib- ute to an increase in the economic welfare, and on the other hand, through the educational component to the increase in tolerance and con idence level at community level.
Thus, one can get into a vicious circle of permanent poverty Voicu, p. This comprehensive form of capital suggests the possibility of re conversion of certain forms of capital into others. Social capital represents all connections that are estab- lished at the community level between individuals or be- tween individuals and organizations, trust, norms and mu- tual aid. Some authors Ritzen, Woolcock, pp.
So there must be an optimal level of social capital, whereas social cohesion does not imply limits. Social cohesion em- phasizes relations with political institutions, while social capital does not imply this on the long run. While social cap- ital refers speci ically to communities and networks, social cohesion has a wider coverage at society level. The impact of social capital on development can be an important one, meaning, in addition to economic growth, a more equitable distribution of wealth and poverty reduction.
However, the social capital in the community can not always ensure its prosperity. But the synergy between it and other forms of capital represents an important prerequisite for de- velopment. The distinc- tion between the three forms of capital can help explain the fact that social position, the class of an individual does not necessarily depend on its economic position.
The individual does not own or inherit only material goods, but also other goods, at least as important, out of which he can have mate- rial or symbolic advantages. The de icient economic capital can be compensated in different proportions by the other types of capital.
Bourdieu stressed that the development of social capital is determined by the development of durable relationships and of networks of relationships especially of those between groups of prestige, with considerable stocks of economic and cultural capital.
Coleman imposed, through his work Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital, and Foundations of Social Theory, the concept of social capital in the American sociology, drawing a parallel with other forms of capital: Coleman, like Bourdieu, notes the possibility of convert- ing social capital — productive as any other forms of capital — in economic or even educational capital.
He distinguishes three forms of social capital: The term social capital, whose consecration is related to the book published by Robert Putnam entitled Making De- mocracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy in , has become very popular in recent years, its use getting beyond the boundaries of sociology. In this paper Putnam links the gap in performance be- tween the 20 regional governments in Italy and the different involvement of horizontal civic associations.
His subsequent publication Bowling Alone: Its use in different contexts and areas such as political science, economics or history, en- riched its meaning and signi icance.
Table 1. Approaches to the Concept of Social Capital. Winter, Ian, p. Author Definition Purpose Level of analysis Resource that provides ac- Ensuring econo- Individuals in a com- Bourdieu cess to community goods.
Putnam distinguishes between different forms of capital and clari ies the role civism has in generating social capital.
A society with many virtuous people, but isolated, is not necessarily rich in social capital Putnam, , p. The more social capital is used in collective actions, the more the relationship between people, or between people and organizations, strengthen and diversify, the level of mu- tual trust increase, group norms are re ined and are stronger imposed.
All these lead to the augmentation of social capital, a phenomenon that is more than its regeneration.
Social capital is not equally generated by all members of the community, there are always individuals or groups that invest more than others in relationships, trust, etc.
However, social capital is used not only by those who generated it, but by the whole community. Studies of social capital, including the theoretical, concep- tual as well as the applied research levels, have experienced an important development in recent years due to the follow- ing factors Badescu, pp.
The World Bank Dudwick, Kuehnast, Nyhan, Woolcock, considers the implications of social capital as being signi icant for improving the quality, effectiveness and sus- tainability of community development operations Commu- nity Driven Development.
These dimensions conferred to social capital outline the complex picture that the institution has on the concept. Social capital makes the difference between the develop- ment of the community and CD. It is built on the relationships of trust and reciprocity among community members. If the members of a group come to expect that the behavior of others is to be safe and honest, they will come to trust each other.
Trust is like a lubricant that makes any group or organization to operate more easily Fukuyama, , p. The observed magnetic moments 1. The observed magnetic moment values 1g 1g of 5. The obser- 2g 2g 1 Available online at www. The values of the electronic parameters, the ligand field splitting energy, the Racach interelectronic repulsion parameter and the nephelauxetic ratio are summarized in Table IV. From the EPR spectrum of complex I the exact geometry of the metal ion cannot be proposed.
Thermal analysis Thermal analysis by the TG and DSC techniques has proved to be very useful in determining the crystal water content in complexes and their thermal stability and decomposition mode under a controlled heating rate. Due to the explosive nature of perchlorate complexes, the thermal properties of only the nit- rate and acetate complexes were investigated.
The thermal behavior of the complexes depended on the nature and the environment around the metal ion. The decompo- sition of Cu II complex occurred in three stages. The second stage, from The processes of elimination of molecules are indicated by the exothermal peak at The final stage, which occurred in the The overall mass loss was observed to be This exothermal process is followed by another one with a maximum at The final residue, estimated as CuO and carbon39,40, was DSC curve of the li- gand.
The first stage occurred in the temperature range The second step, between The decomposition process is indicated by the DSC peak at The third stage from The observed mass loss was This step was accompanied by an exothermal process at The residue at Their thermal decompositions revealed them to be anhyd- rous, which is consistent with the elemental and spectral data.
The complex was stable up to The first step of thermal decomposition occurred in the range The second from The residue, estimated as copper oxide, had a mass of 9. The thermal decomposition of the Co II acetate complex proceeded in four stages. The thermal dehydration of this complex occurred between Two moles of lattice water molecules were removed in this dehydration stage.
The process was ac- companied by an endothermal effect at The fourth stage occurred in the The process is indicated by the DSC peak with maximum at The final residue, estimated as Co3O4,42,43 had a mass of 9. According to the TG analysis, the thermal decomposition of this complex was a three-stage process. The first mass loss occurred between The removal of the remaining part of the ligand fol- lowed in the second stage, between The process was indicated by the DSC peak at The third stage between The observed mass loss was 5.
The residue, estimated as NiO, had a mass of 8. From the thermal investigation of the Cu II and Ni II acetate complexes, it can be concluded that the decomposition proceeds in the following three stages: Based on the above analytical, spectral and magnetic data together with the thermal decomposition studies, the structural formula and the stoichiometry, gi- ven in Fig.
The spectral studies indicated that hydrazone act as a neutral monodentate ligand coordinating through the nitrogen of the azomethine group or as a bidentate ligand using both the azomethine nitrogen and the amide oxygen.
The nitrate complexes have a tetrahedral geometry and the others an octahedral one around the metal ion. The thermal decomposition of the hydrated I, II and VII complexes began with the release of crystallization water in the first stage. During heating, the nitrate complexes lost two coordinated water molecules in the second stage. Their decomposition commenced above The thermal data are in agreement with the spectral and elemental data. Rollas, S. Ainscough, A. Brodie, W. Denny, G. Finlay, S.
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